BP: The Blood Of Papua

Since the Indonesian occupation in 1963, NGOs estimate around 500,000 Indigenous Papuans have been murdered in what has been described as ‘slow genocide’ – this is around a third of the population. During the past nearly 60 years, Indonesia has banned journalists, aid and humanitarian organisations, as well as human rights observers, from entering West Papua.

Meanwhile, BP, while massively expanding its presence in the territory, has provided funding to Indonesian security services, implicated in systematic genocide and human rights violations.

West Papua is home to the second largest rainforest in the world, but mining and other extractive industries along with palm oil planting and logging, also make it the second fastest deforestation area in the world.

In 2016, shortly after the IPCC Paris Agreement was reached, Indonesia agreed to a massive $4 billion expansion in BP’s Tangguh Liquefied Natural Gas fields.

As Benny Wenda puts it in the film, “if you want to fight climate change, West Papua counts” and Raki Ap adds, “For Indigenous peoples all across the world, it’s not about eating less meat, or taking fewer showers, it’s about colonialism, it’s about capitalism, and it’s about racism in our own countries, and when we hit the root causes, we can solve this climate crisis in just 10 years time”.

The Free West Papua Campaign make the following five demands:

• BP must tell the truth, providing full disclosure of their activities in West Papua including the environmental impact of their expansion plans at Bintuni Bay.
• BP must disclose all payments made to Indonesia’s police and military and disclose the exact amount of civilian deaths caused by their security services. BP must be prepared to make reparations.
• BP must totally end support for the Trans-Papua Highway, which is decimating the tropical rainforest principally to aid further mining operations across remote areas of West Papua.
• BP must provide full and fair access for international independent journalists, NGOs and observers to audit their activities rather than hide behind a veil of secrecy provided by the Indonesian government.
• BP must provide plans for a full exit strategy/decommissioning from West Papua to ensure this is handled with the lowest impact to both the environment and the wellbeing of indigenous West Papuans.

FULL REPORT COMMISSIONED BY FREE WEST PAPUA CAMPAIGN                     2019

Delivered to BP HQ on 18th October 2019 by Benny Wenda, Raki Ap, Vivienne Westwood, and Joe Corré, with support from Extinction Rebellion.

BP: The Blood Of Papua

I can’t imagine what that area [Tangguh, West Papua] would be like without our investments.  –  Bob Dudley, CEO, BP, 2017

The forest are gone, the rivers dry, and all things taken away.  –  Dora Baluban, GKI Church of Tanah Papua, 2016

Executive Summary

British company BP operates a huge liquified natural gas field in West Papua, a territory occupied against the wishes of the Indigenous population since 1963. This report includes the following findings:

•   BP operates in the midst of a genocide against the Indigenous West Papuan population;

•   BP’s concessions were based on the relocation of 650 Indigenous West Papuans and the mysterious death of dozens of local Papuan infants;

•   BP’s operations form one part of the Indonesian occupation regime’s huge development project in West Papua, a project with environmentally disastrous consequences and little buy-in by or benefits for the Indigenous community;

•   BP’s Tangguh investment further ties the Indonesian state to its occupation of West Papua, an occupation dubious under international law and overwhelmingly rejected by the mass of the Indigenous population;

•   BP provides funding to the Indonesian security services, institutions which are implicated in systematic human rights violations and genocide in West Papua;

•   BP’s fossil fuel reserves in West Papua will make a substantial contribution to climate change, and ought to be kept in the ground;

•   Little effort is being made by BP to ensure the local West Papuan economy is able to withstand the inevitable exhaustion of the reserves at Tangguh.

Introduction

In Indonesian-occupied West Papua, an Indigenous population has been fighting off deforestation, palm plantations and destructive mining for nearly 60 years. Hundreds of thousands of Papuans have been killed, and public torture, disappearances and mass arrests remain commonplace. Home to one of the oldest-surviving Indigenous populations on earth, it was seized by neighbouring Indonesia in 1963 in a move which helped end of tens of thousands of years of sustainable environmental management.

In the subsequent six decades, the landscape has been utterly transformed. Deforestation ravages the world’s second-largest primary rainforest, a country-spanning high-way ploughs through national parks, and a Freeport gold and copper mine produces the largest quantity of industrial waste on the planet. Countering this is an Indigenous self-determination movement combining international diplomacy and solidarity with mass civil disobedience on the ground.

Into this context rode BP in the 2000s, establishing one of the largest single investments in West Papua through the huge liquefied natural gas fields at Tangguh, Bintuni Bay. The investment, which funds the genocidal Indonesian occupation through tax revenues and security contracts, has pushed Indigenous Papuans off their land, given Indonesia a sheen of respectability, and represents a massive ‘carbon bomb’ in the process of being lit. BP operates in the midst of a genocide.

BP & Tangguh: A history of displacement, imposition and mysterious deaths

BP’s Indonesian government-granted concessions in Tangguh contain around 14.4 trillion cubic feet of liquefied natural gas (LNG).ⁱ Exploration began under Atlantic Richfield Co. in 1996, and then transferred to BP in 1999. The site became operational in 2009, and final clearance for a massive production expansion was granted in 2016.ⁱⁱ By 2020, a third liquefaction plant and two new offshore platforms will be constructed in a $4 billion expansion.ⁱⁱⁱ

From the start, the operations have had negative impacts on the local communities. Six-hundred and fifty local people were involuntarily relocated to make way for the Tangguh site.^iv One academic visitor to the nearby village of Weriagar was informed by local Papuans in 2001 that 48 babies in the village had perished after Atlantic Richfield Co. had begun exploration, and was shown a list of names and photographs.^v Although any link between the activities of the company and the deaths has not been proven, the matter has not been independently investigated.

In 2008, the Guardian reported on the situation on the ground. As one local Papuan community leader put it to the newspaper,

Everything we feared when BP came to the area has come true […] People are not allowed to catch any fish or shrimps in the exclusive zone established by BP. More and more migrants are coming because of the plant. There is very high inflation because there is lots of money around. The number of local people from Bintuni Bay who work in the project is very low. Local Papuans are never recruited as full-time members of staff.^vi

Similar to other resource extraction projects undertaken in an environmental of militarised occupation, the BP project, according to these West Papuans, witnessed forced relocation, an influx of Indonesian migrants, destruction of traditional fishing grounds and loss of local control. As Professor Agus Sumule, an Indonesian academic at the University of Papua explains, decisions over resource extraction ‘are now being controlled 100 per cent by Jakarta […] in 20-30 years, everything will disappear. So what will local people obtain from this? Nothing. Except perhaps some toxic waste’.^vii

West Papua: A history of genocide

The socio-political context within which BP operates is one of a ‘cold’ or ‘slow-motion’ genocide.viii Since the Indonesian invasion in 1963 – consummated by a rigged ‘referendum’ carried out in violation of international law and norms in 1969 –^ix Indigenous West Papuans have faced well- documented and systematic human rights abuses at the hands of Indonesian security forces.^x

Due to the fact that nearly all international journalists, aid and humanitarian organisations, and human rights monitors have been banned from entering West Papua for nearly 60 years,^xi no comprehensive study of the total occupation-related deaths has even been undertaken, but the total number is well over 100,000.^xii One academic estimate puts it at around 500,000.^xiii Several reports, including from the Asian Human Rights Commission and the University of Sydney,^xiv conclude, in the words of a Yale University report, that, ‘A strong argument can be made that the conduct of the Indonesian government toward the people of West Papua over the last forty years has involved the requisite intent […] to constitute genocide’.^xv

In 2013, a Papuan representative body, the Papuan People’s Assembly – set up by the Indonesian state itself in the early 2000s – published the results of a comprehensive consultation with a cross-section of Papuan society. The results were damning:

The state of human rights in the Land of Papua is getting worse day by day as violations and violence against human rights continue to occur […] Violence against and violation of all the human rights in all aspects of the life of Indigenous Papuans occurs systematically, continually and without reprieve.^xvi

2019 has seen an intensification of these systematic human rights abuses. The World Council of Churches (WCC), one of the largest congregations in the world, sent the biggest-ever international delegation to the territory in February 2019. On their return, the WCC Executive Committee condemned the ‘clear characteristics of systemic marginalization – including through transmigration and demographic shifts – and discrimination against the Indigenous Papuan population’ which they witnessed.^xvii

In the Nduga Regency, an ongoing operation by the Indonesian military has displaced an estimated 40,000 Indigenous Papuans – around half the entire population of the Regency – and led to the death of over 100 civilians.^xviii Children have been prevented from attending school for months, mothers have given birth whilst in hiding, and the internally-displaced left without adequate health care provision and food. The Indonesian military has seized control of all aid and relief disbursement.^xix

According to one Indonesian researcher who conducted field work in Nduga, writing in August 2019:

Some IDPs from Mbua District have returned to Nduga, and they have lived in unsafe conditions where the military personnel still occupy the public facilities, such as schools and health facilities. They also found that their homes and gardens were damaged or destroyed by security forces.^xx

This is the political and humanitarian context within which BP operates, and the genocidal occupation regime with which it collaborates. As Tapol, the oldest organisation in the UK dedicated to upholding human rights in Indonesia, put it in 2015:

BP’s and the Indonesian State: A symbiotic relationship

In a pattern common to other massive resource-extraction projects in West Papua, the presence of the Tangguh project has acted as a magnet for increased securitisation of the region. Keen to lubricate the flow of resources and capital out of West Papua into other parts of Indonesia, the Indonesian security forces progressively militarise resource-rich regions, competing for lucrative security contracts with the foreign multi-nationals operating there. As Indonesian Military (TNI) commander General Gatot Nurmantyo put it in 2017, ‘We hope military personnel and military bases are no longer concentrated around Java, but also in the border areas so that those [bases] help create new economic centers and trigger development’.^xxii

A similar process has taken place in Bintuni Bay since the arrival of BP. BP operates an ‘Integrated Community Based Security Programme’ (ICBS) at Tangguh, relying in the first instance on locally- employed Papuan security guards, before calling on the police, and then the military.^xxiii Although this gives BP some distance from the Indonesian security services, the company is still pushed into collaboration. BP gave US$69,000 in security-related payments to the Indonesian government in 2012.^xxiv Since 2010, BP has made US$670,000 in payments to the Indonesian police.^xxv

When the ICBS was being set up in 2003, BP participated in a seminar in Jakarta with army and police security officers. Early on in the project, BP was collaborating with Papua police commander, Timbul Silaen, ‘indicted on crimes against humanity charges in East Timor’.^xxvi Today, Indonesia’s top security minister, General Wiranto, is wanted for the UN for crimes against humanity and considered an architect of genocide in East Timor. He has taken a keen interest in issues in West Papua.^xxvii

Papua expert Eban Kirksey also uncovered evidence during field work that suggested the Indonesian military staged the killing of several Indonesian police officers near the Tangguh project in 2001 as John O’Reilly, then senior vice president of BP, visited the site.^xxviii False flag attacks are a well-documented tactic used by the Indonesian military in order to extort security contracts out of multinational corporations.^xxix In response to the shooting, the Indonesian army initiated Operation Sweep and Crush, during which ‘over 140 people were detained, tortured or otherwise ill-treated’, including seven extrajudicial executions, according to Amnesty International.^xxx

In 2006, the Indonesian military constructed a new military base near the BP site. A new military command area over West Papua was created in 2017, headed by a two-star general, something few areas of Indonesia of such population size receive. That same year, the TNI announced that it would build a new missile detachment in Bintuni Bay ‘to secure vital state assets such as the oil and gas mines that are located here’, according to the military district commander in the area.

The Jakarta elite has long relied on this ‘plundering of the regions’, as Indonesia-specialist Professor Damien Kingsbury puts it, in order to maintain political stability in the densely-populated Java. BP’s operation give the rulers of Indonesia even more reason to maintain their occupation of West Papua – by force, if necessary.

Investigative journalist Michael Gillard travelled to the region in 2018, uncovering evidence of a stark deterioration in the human rights situation around Bintuni Bay. The private company which manages BP’s local security force at Tangguh, Gardatama Nusantara, is ‘run by retired Indonesian army and police’. According to members of Papuan civil society interviewed by Gillard, ‘undercover [Indonesian] military intelligence agents’ are ‘targeting peaceful social movements in Bintuni Bay’, protecting BP’s reputation and interests. According to Yan Christian Warinussy, the West Papuan head of the respected civil society organisation, LP3BH, BP’s arrival has seen a ‘marked increase in reported incidents of violence in the Bintuni Bay area associated with disputes between BP security guards, other employees and contractors’. Indonesia’s leading intelligence agency, the BIN, has reportedly been infiltrating the local Papuan population to monitor and disrupt any unrest. According to BP’s own 2015 report on the project, ‘BIN sees a need for greater intelligence and early detection of potential unrest … to avoid conflict’.

Tangguh, climate change and the Indonesian occupation

BP is sitting on around 14.4 trillion square cubic tonnes of LNG at Tangguh. Around 12.5% of gas under Bintuni Bay is CO2, and at least 4.7 million tonnes of CO2 per year will be released by the project (Kirskey, Entangled Worlds), a substantial contribution to CO2 emission which should be rapidly declining.

BP’s Tangguh plant constitutes one part of the Indonesia colonial regime’s systematic environmental destruction. West Papua is the western half of the island of New Guinea. As Nature describes, West Papua is ‘home to 1.5 million indigenous peoples who speak over 250 languages […] over 17,700 species of flora and fauna, 32 million [hectares] of old growth tropical rainforest and mangroves, and one of the world’s richest marine reef environments with 565 species of coral’.^xxxi This biodiversity is under unprecedented threat at the hands of the Indonesian occupation.

The Indonesian occupation regime shows little signs of attempting climate change mitigation. On the contrary, the Indonesian state’s development projects are intensifying climate carnage. In 2011, the Indonesian state launched the Master Plan for Acceleration and Expansion of Indonesia Economic Development (MP3EI). West Papua, one of the centre-pieces of MP3EI, has become the site of new mega-projects which seek to further integrate Papua into the Indonesian state. Bintuni Bay has been one focal point of this national development project, with BP the centre-piece of a capitalist transformation of the region. As awas MIFEE, a monitoring group, puts it, ‘Bintuni Bay, once a remote area covered with rainforest and mangrove forest, is in the process of being converted into an industrial landscape’.^xxxii

Deforestation is devastating West Papua under the Indonesian occupation, driven by fibre and palm oil plantations, logging, mining and other major development projects. Indonesia has the second- highest rates of deforestation in the world,^xxxiii and has imposed this rapacious activity on occupied West Papua.

According to Forest Watch Indonesia, between 2009-2013, almost 4.5 million hectares of rainforest were lost,^xxxiv often for palm oil monoculture plantations. Research published in Nature Communications in 2018 calculated that every hectare of rainforest converted to palm oil plantations creates 174 tonnes of carbon emissions, roughly equivalent to 530 people flying from Geneva to New York.^xxxv According to a study from the Journal of the Society for Conservation Biology, logging is the single biggest contributor to Indonesia’s massive deforestation-related carbon emissions, and West Papua is the site of Indonesia’s highest logging emissions.^xxxvi Rainforests can sequester between 200 and 3,500 tonnes of carbon per hectare, and as one recent academic review put it, ‘their preservation should be the centre-piece of any climate policy’.^xxxvii The same review points to ‘land grabs to establish palm oil plantations in Indonesia’ as one of the ‘main drivers’ of increased deforestation.^xxxviii

Climate justice and West Papuan resistance

West Papuans are not standing by as their lands are cleared, burnt and destroyed by a colonial occupation and its foreign backers. They are more organised than ever, unified under the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) inside and outside the country.^xxxix The ULMWP has pledged to turn an independent West Papua into a haven for Pacific Islanders fleeing the impacts of climate change.^xl The ULMWP has also set up seven new bureaus inside West Papua, laying the foundations of a government-in-waiting: one of the seven is the Environmental Bureau. The ULMWP has pledged to immediately end all environmentally-destructed extractive projects opposed by the Papuan population once they gain independence.xli Previously, BP has provided funding to Papuan resistance groups.^xlii The ULMWP has pledged not to accept such funding, giving it a stronger independence from BP.

On the ground, Pemalangan actions – blockades – often push back palm oil plantations and new land grabs.^xliii As a study in Environmental Science and Policy put it, West Papua ‘has been the focus of numerous forestry, agricultural, and mining mega-project proposals spanning tens of millions of hectares over recent decades […] most of these failed to materialise in the face of protest over environmental or indigenous issues’.^xliv

The time is crucial for West Papua. The movement is at a historic peak, and the intensification of environmental destruction and migrant settlement bequeaths upon the self-determination struggle the hope of averting this massive contribution to deforestation, pollution and climate change. Time is not too late – Papuans continue to comprise around 50% of the population,^xlv and as a 2014 study in Nature Climate Change records, ‘Papua is at a more nascent stage of forest exploitation’ than other parts of Indonesia.^xlvi

The international community has broadly recognised that Indigenous self-determination, management of their own land in line with their traditional knowledge and understanding of conservation and sustainability, is crucial for protecting the biosphere and averting climate change. In May 2019, one of the most comprehensive scientific assessments of the state of life and climate change on Earth concluded that, ‘Nature is generally declining less rapidly in indigenous peoples’ land than in other lands’.^xlvii

In West Papua, the Indonesian regime can only respond to the crisis of climate change by further exacerbating it. Allowing Indonesian and foreign corporations in to clear the forests, pollute the land and extract the resources, the regime protects and intensifies this carnage through importing ever-increasing numbers of troops and police in the face of an Indigenous population aching to do things differently.

It has been the Pacific Islands – of which West Papua is a part – that have been far ahead of the rest of the world in pushing for climate change action.^xlviii Supporting the struggle of the ULMWP and its encompassed groups within and without West Papua is the most effective method for tackling this crisis of the environment, ecology and human rights.

Note: Parts of this report were previously published in Culture Unstained’s 2019 publication, Bad Company: BP, human rights and corporate crimes.

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i  Kylie McKenna (2015), ‘Corporate security practices and human rights in West Papua’, Conflict, Security & Development, 15:4, p.374
ii  https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/bp-broadens-its-footprint-in-indonesia-with-8bn-project-0wb3sj9zp
iii  https://newmatilda.com/2018/11/05/special-investigation-bp-west-papua-slow-motion-genocide-high-speed-profit/
iv  Kirksey, E. (2012), Freedom in Entangled Worlds: West Papua and the Architecture of Global Power, Duke University Press: Durham, p.106.
v  Hyams, K. (2001), ‘Petrol in Papua’, Ecologist, 31 (5), p.52.
vi  https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2008/mar/19/fossilfuels.indonesia
vii  https://newint.org/features/2017/05/01/sacrifice-zone-west-papuan-independence-struggle
viii  Anderson, K. (2015), ‘Colonialism and Cold Genocide: The Case of West Papua’, Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal, Volume 9, 2(5), pp.9-25; Elmslie, J. & Webb-Gannon, C. (2013), ‘A slow-motion genocide: Indonesian rule in West Papua’, Griffith Journal of Law and Human Dignity, 1(2), pp.142-166.
ix  Musgrave, T. D. (2015), ‘An analysis of the 1969 Act of Free Choice in West Papua’, in (eds.) Chinkin, C. & Baetens, F., Sovereignty, Statehood and State Responsibility: Essays in Honour of James Crawford, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp.209-228; Janki, M. (2010), ‘West Papua and the right to self-determination under international law’, West Indian Law Journal, 34, pp.69-102.
x  Amnesty International Indonesia (2018), ‘Don’t Bother, Just Let Him Die’: Killing With Impunity in Papua, Amnesty International; International Coalition for Papua (2017), Human Rights in Papua 2017, Wuppertal: International Coalition for Papua; ELSHAM: Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy (2017), Writing for Rights Human Rights Documentation from the Land of Papua Series I, ELSHAM; Tapol, AJAR, ELSHAM Papua (2015), The Practice of Torture: Business As Usual in Papua, Tapol.
xi  Human Rights Watch (2015), Something to Hide? Indonesia’s Restrictions on Media Freedom and Rights Monitoring in Papua, Human Rights Watch: New York.
xii  Anderson, K. (2015), ‘Colonialism and Cold Genocide: The Case of West Papua’, Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal, Volume 9, 2(5), pp.9-25.
xiii  Elmslie, J. (2007), West Papua: Paths to Justice and Prosperity, University of Sydney: Sydney.
xiv  Sloan, J. S. (2013), The Neglected Genocide: Human rights abuses against Papuans in the Central Highlands, 1977–1978, London: Tapol, Hong Kong: Asian Human Rights Commission & Wuppertal: International Coalition for Papua; King, P. & Wing, J. (2005), Genocide in West Papua? The role of the Indonesian state apparatus and a current needs assessment of the Papuan people, West Papua Project, Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, University of Sydney.
xv  Brundige, E. et al. (2004), Indonesian Human Rights Abuses in West Papua: Application of the Law of Genocide to the History of Indonesian Control, Allard K. Lowenstein International Human Rights Clinic, Yale Law School: Yale.
xvi  Papuan People’s Assembly (2013), Implementing Special Autonomy for Papua and West Papua.
xvii https://www.oikoumene.org/en/resources/documents/executive-committee/bossey-may-2019/the-wcc-executive-committee-statement-concern-and-solidarity-for-west-papua
xviii https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/05/frightened-displaced-papua-children-haunted-conflict-190531060054648.html; https://uk.reuters.com/article/uk-indonesia-papua/malnutrition-disease-kill-at-least-139-displaced-in-indonesias-papua-group-idUKKCN1UD1TJ; http://humanrightspapua.org/images/docs/Human%20Rights%20Update%20West%20Papua%20July%202019.pdf.
xix  https://www.bbc.com/indonesia/amp/indonesia-49233527
xx  https://www.rnz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/396527/indonesian-govt-neglecting-papuans-displaced-by-conflict-researcher
xxi  https://www.etan.org/issues/wpapua/2015/1508wpap.htm
xxii Jakarta Post (February 20, 2017), ‘Indonesian Military to build naval base in Papua’, available at: <https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2017/01/20/indonesian-military-to-build-naval-base-in-papua.html> (accessed on: May 21, 2019).
xxiii Kylie McKenna (2015), ‘Corporate security practices and human rights in West Papua’, Conflict, Security & Development, 15:4,
xxiv https://asiapacific.anu.edu.au/newmandala/2015/09/04/bp-security-and-human-rights-in-west-papua/
xxv https://newmatilda.com/2018/11/05/special-investigation-bp-west-papua-slow-motion-genocide-high-speed-profit/
xxvi Andrew Hickman & Paul Barber (2011) ‘Tangguh, BP & International Standards: An analysis of the commitments made by BP in relation to BP Tangguh in West Papua and their social and environmental responsibilities’, p.16.
xxvii https://en.tempo.co/read/1242539/wiranto-claims-papua-and-west-papua-are-peaceful-conducive-now
xxviii Kirksey, E. (2012), Freedom in Entangled Worlds: West Papua and the Architecture of Global Power, Duke University Press, pp.109-120.
xxix Kirksey, E., & Harsono, A. (2008), ‘Criminal collaborations? Antonius Wamang and the Indonesian military in Timika’, South East Asia Research, 16(2), pp.165-197
xxx Kirksey, E. (2012), Freedom in Entangled Worlds: West Papua and the Architecture of Global Power, Duke University Press, p.110.
xxxi Michael, A., Van Den Hoek, J. & Ahmed, N. (2016), ‘Capturing coupled riparian and coastal disturbance from industrial mining using cloud-resilient satellite time series analysis’, Scientific Reports, 6, p.1.
xxxii Franky, Y. L. and Morgan, S. (2015), West Papua Oil Palm Atlas: The Companies Behind the Plantation Explosion, awasMIFEE, p.15.
xxxiii Abood, S. A., Lee, J. S. H., Burivalova, Z., Garcia‐Ulloa, J., & Koh, L. P. (2015), ‘Relative contributions of the logging, fiber, oil palm, and mining industries to forest loss in Indonesia’, Conservation Letters, 8(1), pp.58-67.
xxxiv Speech by Emil Kleden, Forest Peoples Program International, ‘At the Intersection: Pacific Climate Change and West Papua’, West Papua Project, University of Sydney, November 3-4, 2016.
xxxv Guillaume, T., Kotowska, M. M., Hertel, D. et al. (2018), ‘Carbon costs and benefits of Indonesian rainforest conversion to plantations’, Nature communications, 9(1), 2388. The research looked at Sumatra rather than Papua, but it is probable that similar figures apply to Papua.
xxxvi Abood et al., ‘Relative contributions’, pp.58-67.
xxxvii Vettese, T. (2018), ‘To Freeze the Thames: Natural Geo-Engineering and Biodiversity’, New Left Review, 111, p.77.
xxxviii Ibid.
xxxix https://www.ulmwp.org/
xl https://newint.org/features/2017/05/01/we-are-ready
xli https://www.bbc.co.uk/iplayer/episode/m0008rfn/hardtalk-benny-wenda-chairman-united-liberation-movement-for-west-papua
xlii Kirksey, Freedom in Entangled Worlds, p.109.
xliii Selwyn Moran (2016), Grabbing land locally, changing climate globally: the winners and the losers in West Papua’s plantation boom, awasMIFEE, p.13
xliv Sloan, S. et al. (2019), ‘Hidden challenges for conservation and development along the Trans-Papuan economic corridor’, Environmental Science and Policy, 92, p.104.
xlv https://apjjf.org/2017/02/Elmslie.html
xlvi Margono, B. A., Potapov, P. V., Turubanova, S. et al. (2014), ‘Primary forest cover loss in Indonesia over 2000– 2012’, Nature Climate Change, 4(8), p.730.
xlvii Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (May 6, 2019), Summary for policymakers of the global assessment report on biodiversity and ecosystem services, p.5, available at: <https://www.dropbox.com/sh/yd8l2v0u4jqptp3/AACpraYjOYWpTxAFv5H-2vrKa/1%20Global%20Assessment%20Summary%20for%20Policymakers?dl=0preview=Summary+for+Policymakers+IPBES+Global+Assessment.pdfsubfolder_nav_tracking=1> (accessed on: May 21, 2019).
xlviii https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/aug/20/vanuatu-will-host-the-next-pacific-islands-forum-we-want-to-know-if-australia-really-wants-a-seat-at-the-table